It is no coincidence that the text of Jacek Karnowski’s Zamordyzm (Despotism), which was published in these pages, came in the guise of „rule of law.”The word „rule of law” already sounds as ironic as „people’s justice” has been read by several hundred thousand Poles.

This is an accurate term to name the moment in which we are now: the brazen, gross lawlessness that has taken over the rule under the banners of love for the Constitution, the forceful takeovers of institutions to which one seeks (unsuccessfully) a legal basis post-facto, the liberal press thrilled by the „fire and sword” used to crack down on the opposition, the abandonment of key development projects ” in the best interests of Poland.”

We are all trying to put a proper name to it. We reach for historical analogies like the December 13 Coalition, we build up accurate phrases about „Bondarovism,” we point out similarities to Belarus. The trouble is that the generations who now decide in Poland are those to whom it says little or do not understand these verbal puns at all. Taking a broader view still: with the public media shut down, Poles are not informed about the really important issues. The few independent media are being reduced economically, and pressure is mounting on private media to get rid of the rest of journalists and columnists independent of the authorities.

As a result, the authorities possess media and social power allowing them to pass off each of their forcible actions as a restoration of the rule of law and any resistance as proof that „PiS has not yet reconciled to defeat.” This cliché is injected into our heads by powerful media corporations.

Every subsequent press conference by Donald Tusk and his people brings confirmation that there are more waves of lawlessness and violence ahead. Tusk is ruling with a lieutenant colonel and the police. He governs convinced that he will never give up power and that it will only grow stronger with each election.

Given the Brussels-Berlin centralization plans, the German determination to cement their influence in our homeland and the internal resources of the current government the use of violence in politics will be difficult to stop. Even if they wanted to call off this punctuated martial law at some point, as Jan Rokita accurately describes, it will be impossible. Such is the nature of politics and power. Lawlessness is addictive. First they trampled on the rights of „Law and Justice” people, using violence against them, and then they will reach for the same methods against ordinary citizens.

Are they making a mistake here? Have they recognized the mood of the Polish people and the arrangement of social forces correctly? There are various answers here; it is too early today to give a clear answer.

Certainly, not everything went according to their plan. The thesis that turning off the signal of the real TVP Info and planting a fake one would immediately „divert” viewers, too, turned out to be untrue. The audience took off elsewhere.

The capacity of social mobilization of Law and Justice proved surprisingly high, and one can already put forward the claim that it is growing. The demonstrations, the mobilization in defence of political prisoners, the attendance at meetings during the weekend detour have all proved this. One can see the undisputed concentration of the entire camp around the leadership of President Jaroslaw Kaczynski.

The Poles have so far also refused to accept Tusk’s message, which is consistently trying to return to the concept of a nation that is dwarfed, without ambition, content with the entertainment it serves, a bunch of sausages and hot water. This is pathetic, by the way: the current prime minister of the Polish state is now openly scoffing at the ambitious projects of the country (CPK, atom, ports, Oder), reducing them to the „romantic ambition” of his predecessors and digging up dirt on them - because, after all, from the German point of view, to delete them is the primary task.

Will the Poles’ sanity on these issues survive? Will their brains resist being brainwashed when the media system (almost) shuts down? Perhaps resistance in this sphere is the most important task of Law and Justice today. The established teams to defend major investments and state work is a very good step.

The effects of an election of such gravity cannot be reversed in a few months. We honestly warned against this. A national disaster happened on October 15. Polish affairs are going very badly. At the same time, however, Law and Justice - having suffered a series of powerful blows - stood its ground.

The formation of President Jaroslaw Kaczynski remains the only viable centre that can change the bad course we are on (although they are already preparing another diversion from the right flank). It also has a chance to expand its base, to appeal to groups and circles that will be victims of Tusk’s rule. It needs to be every day, everywhere, with all the persecuted, politically and economically, like the people in the timber industry recently.

In Poland, the power usually wears off quite slowly. But Tusk’s power has done and is doing its best to make the process faster this time. The moment there are signs of this, Law and Justice should be ready for a real counteroffensive, alert and firm.

The Poles deserve more than what is being offered by Tusk. I think that after eight years of ambitious and effective policies, such a thought is embedded in the minds of more of the population than we suspect and than the results of the last election would indicate. This is an opportunity. That’s all it is, and so much more.